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Guide To Female Supremacy !FREE!

In many ways, this is a return of an old American political tradition rather than a wholly new phenomenon, but it has taken on a new form and uses a language that must be properly understood if it is to be successfully challenged. Concepts of white supremacy were at the heart of the defense of slavery and central to the Lost Cause myth that justified segregation after the fall of the Confederacy.

Guide To Female Supremacy

There is little new in the ideas that underpin white nationalism, white supremacy, the alt-right, and fascism. At its core, white nationalism is little more than an attempt to cloak white supremacist ideas in the more respectable language of racial separatism, just as the alt-right has tried to repackage fascist thought in a more modern form. All these variants are built on common notions of a white identity and racial superiority. They promote hate and violence as valid political tools, rejecting values of equality, coexistence, and the rule of law in favor of raw power and ethnic division.

Simon Clark is a nonresident senior fellow for National Security and International Policy at the Center for American Progress, where he leads the work on combating violent white supremacy.

The purple pill is the incel version of centrism. It rejects both redpill and bluepill philosophies as misguided at best and idiotic or repulsive at worst. Purplepillers attempt to explain male-female behaviors in a more moderate and, relatively speaking, sensible way.

Carpeaux created Why Born Enslaved! while working on The Four Parts of the World Supporting the Celestial Globe, a monumental fountain sculpture representing Africa as a female figure alongside Europe, Asia, and America. From the Renaissance onward, such personifications of the continents offered viewers a Eurocentric vision of empire. Early examples circulated widely in prints and the decorative arts, asserting the presumed supremacy of European civilization through symbols that represented the other continents as bountiful regions available for Western cultivation.

Child-custody rights also changed after the Revolution. The courts were increasingly willing to bypass colonial precedents that favored men in custody disputes. Instead, they placed young children and daughters (although not sons) under the care of mothers. These reforms reflect the rising importance of the gender-based ideology of separate spheres, which gave women moral preeminence in the private sphere of the home and men supremacy in the marketplace and politics. Women would use the concept of moral motherhood to great advantage in their struggle for social justice over the next century.

As a researcher and educator, and I have seen White Feminism at work in nearly every facet of my career. My current research areas include mental health disparities, racism and discrimination, trauma, obsessive-compulsive disorder, and the emerging field of psychedelic medicine. In the psychedelic world, I am repeatedly expected to give talks nationwide at my own expense. And, even though I have conducted multiple research studies, written books, and published dozens of articles in top journals, I find it interesting that I have virtually no White women faculty collaborators. White women friends: a few; supporters: many; junior colleagues: several; but collaborators: none. Those same women who applaud the advances of women in academia will not collaborate, share mutual resources, or celebrate the achievements of a Black woman. Further, I find many White female graduate students and clinical trainees chafe against having to answer to a Black woman, and female administrators frequently ignore or undermine my needs.

Note that this is a new approach to the study of female dominance. So far the study of female dominance has been confined mainly to ecological and evolutionary hypotheses, such as those concerned with energy [e.g. see 26], [35] or sexual selection [36], and systematic studies have mainly been confined to the lemuriformes [37] or even only to those species where female dominance is complete [29]. In the present paper, female dominance indicates the dominance ranks of all females relative to those of all males in the group. This is calculated by means of a standardized Mann Whitney U-test, namely the Mann Whitney U-value is divided by its maximum value for the specific group size and sex ratio [38]. Its value ranges from 0 for complete female subordinance to all males, via a half for co-dominance with males, to 1 for complete female dominance over all males. Although the differences are usually small, this measure is preferable to the win-ratio of females over males, - which has been applied so far by others [26], [29], [39]- , because it takes into account the dominance position of all group members, whereas the win-ratio only concerns the frequency of winning between the sexes (not their relative dominance positions) and may give too much weight to certain dyads [40]. Our definition of the dominance rank of each individual is relative to that of others: The higher the percentage of winning of an individual from each of its interaction partners is on average, the higher also is an individuals' dominance rank [41].

Following the self-organisation hypothesis, we predict that female dominance may depend on group composition via self-organisation. To determine the specific effects of group composition on female dominance, we use an earlier model, because its results were firmly in accordance with empirical data of primate societies. In this model, called DomWorld [11], [12], [25], [38], the actions of individuals are restricted to grouping and competing, while the effects of winning and losing fights are self-reinforcing. These effects are smaller in those cases in which the outcome of a fight was expected (the lower ranking one loses) and greater if the outcome was unexpected (when the lower ranking was winning). The probability to win a fight depends on the fighting capacity of an individual relative to its opponent and also on chance. Groups with a high intensity of aggression (as testified by biting) appear in the model to resemble in many respects groups of intensely aggressive despotic macaques, whereas groups with low aggression-intensity (slaps and threats instead of biting) are similar to those of mild species with an egalitarian dominance style [11]. Dominance of females over males in the model appears to be greater in groups with a high intensity of aggression, and similar effects are found for high frequency of aggression [42]. This corresponds with an observation by Thierry that adolescent males are later in reaching dominance over females in tonkean macaques than in the despotic rhesus macaque [43], because their aggression is more intense; it also agrees with the finding that female dominance is greater among bonobos than among common chimpanzees [30], which is to be expected since the frequency of aggression is probably higher in bonobos because of their denser grouping [44]; however, these suggestions need further empirical verification.

Our aim is to investigate whether female dominance over males may be due to sexual dimorphism, or to self-organisation or to these two combined. Our results indicate that the degree of female dominance over males depends on group composition rather than on effects of sexual dimorphism. This supports our hypothesis based on self-organisation.

At a high intensity of aggression female dominance over males increases significantly with the percentage of males in the group (Figure 1, Table 1) but only when males start with a higher initial dominance value than the females and if there is a great difference in intensity of aggression between the sexes (i.e. if females had 10% of the aggression of males, not 80%). Apart from this, the correlation appears robust for the degree of sexual dimorphism in initial dominance values. (For this we tested initial dominance values of males versus females of 28 versus 20, 32 versus 16 and of 36 versus 12, respectively for sex ratios with 2, 4 and 6 males in groups of 12 (data not shown). We did not go above 50% males in the group, because this is rare in nature.) At a low intensity of aggression, this correlation is absent [for more detailed studies of these effects see Wantia and Hemelrijk (in prep), 36].

We found that, indeed, among species throughout the order of primates, female dominance increases significantly with the percentage of males in the group (Figure 2a), even when the effects of sexual dimorphism are partialled out (using the method of independent contrasts to remove effects of phylogenetic relationships, Table 2). This also holds when we confine our correlation to the genus Macaca, correlated over all groups and all species (Table 3).

In line with the model, female dominance appears to increase significantly with the percentage of males in groups in the despotic species, M. mulatta, but non-significantly in the egalitarian species of M. arctoides (Table 3). After we had partialled out the effect of sexual dimorphism, it increases significantly among despotic groups of related species, namely of the genus Macaca, but among egalitarian groups this correlation is not significant (Table 3). Unexpectedly, female dominance is not correlated with sexual dimorphism; neither at a species level throughout the order of primates (using the method of independent contrasts to remove effects of phylogenetic relationships, Figure 2b, Table 2) nor at a group level in the genus Macaca, nor at the level of a species in this genus (Table 3). The correlation is, however, significant in the raw data of species throughout the primate order, but this is only due to lemur species.

The significance of the correlation between female dominance over males and sexual dimorphism in the raw data depends on the inclusion of lemurs. In this taxon effects of sexual dimorphism may be confused with other features leading to female dominance, such as masculinised genitals [36], [46]. Use of the independent contrast method made sure that this specialised group does not exert undue influence on the correlations. 041b061a72


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